Lumber Labor History:
Worker’s
rights were a very important issue facing both millowners and mill workers in
the late half of the 19th century. The main bargaining points were
pay, hours, and safety. The word safety
encompassed many issues but locally the recorded histories focus on one salient
issue, compensating hurt workers. In Clinton, the added stress was that the
mills employed 2/3rds of the population. With such a reliance on one industry,
Clinton at a moment’s notice could become like many lumber towns and one
industry towns around America, a ghost town.
A brief overview of the Clinton lumber labor
conditions: In Clinton, there are three
mentioned mill strikes: June 1, 1865, 1877, and July 1890. Looking at the payouts for worker’s
compensation and the local papers, injuries were a constant presence. Pay was
also a constant point of contention. Most workers made between $1-50-$3 a day.
Most of the lower end jobs would make around $1.50 a day while the more
technical ones would be $2.25-$3.00. Some of the more skilled workers made $4 a
day.
Even with working conditions and pay as they were, Young’s
personal business papers are filled with requests for work. Another push for
constant inquires was the large turnover in the sawmill industry. The highest
rate of returning workers to Young’s mills from year to year was often 2/3rds.
In other words, every year, a third of the workforce didn’t return the next
year. Young seemed to advertise throughout the Northwoods and east looking for
workers.
A simplistic
view of the “typical” lumber industry related worker comes from
Wisconsin/Minnesota. While not proven to be pertinent to Iowa and Clinton, the
work was seasonal. Logging happened in winter and was located in Wisconsin/Minnesota.
The log drives and rafting was early spring. The sawing season was spring and
summer. Harvest would be “fall.” Quite a few oral histories show that as new
settlers were trying to establish their farms or young men looking for an
adventure before settling down, would follow the seasonal changes of the
workforce. Meaning, some would work in the forests, on the river, and in the mills
all around their farms. This was made much easier in the Northwoods.
How did the
owners respond?
Two main
reasons underscore the response from millowners to their workers: 1. To keep
the workforce local so there was a “full crew of qualified men.”2. To avoid the
swelling calls for intervention and regulation. So when looking at how the industry responded
locally, don’t feel the owners were
being nice. At best, benevolent or paternalistic.
Often times,
the owner would support endeavors taken by the workers, independently of the
company. For example, in 1871, Young’s workers created their own accident
insurance. In 1895, Lamb’s mill workers organized a similar endeavor, called, “mutual
accident insurance company.” In essence, these workers formed their own
insurance protection, as the one offered by insurance companies was too
expensive.
Unique for
the time and industry, Young stuck to a 6:30am to 5:30pm with an hour lunch
time schedule for his workers. Meaning, Young was an ardent supporter of the 10
hour work day, even when his competitors were still employing 11-12 hour days. Young
also allowed extra pay for days that went over 10 hours and advanced pay. When
depressions hit the industry, Young still found ways to keep his workers employed.
As mentioned
in many Clinton publications, one key aspect the lumber barons focused on to
smooth worker relations was investing in local quality of life. While the term “quality
of life” was not used, the lumber barons invested in fire, hospitals, town
entertainment, transportation, and so
much more.
In the
context of the Progressive era, the only lumber related firm that truly pushed
the boundaries of worker and employer relations was the Curtis Company. Why?
All the lumber mills were closed by the early 1900’s. The Curtis in 1913
established a pension system. They opened
an employees’ club house in 1915 (by the way converting one of Lamb’s old
mills), and in 1920, created a bonus system.
By the 1950’s, the Curtis Company looked like a company that many harken
back to the good ol’ days.
How
controlling were the owners:
Town lore
would say Young would fire any worker who was caught having a drink. It seems
the real story came from the fact that in 1882, Clinton citizens voted for an amendment
to prohibit alcohol. Rumors swirled that Young closed the mill on election day
but still paid the workers, to entice them to work. Even further, some claimed
Young’s political allies watched the polls to make sure his workers were voting
for prohibition. If they voted against it, they were fired. Claims in 1884 were
that Young made sure his workers knew that they were expected to vote
Republican. All in all, it was company policy to not employ drinkers. Young
would claim his temperance was for safety.
To keep
wages constant so there wasn’t migration from mill to mill and to help control
striking, the mill owners discussed wages together. The goal was to have a set
wage based off a ten hour day.
Many of the
lumber barons became mayors of the town and they invested in and owned many of
the other industries. One of the museum’s research questions moving forward is
how much of a “company” town was Clinton? While it’s clear it wasn’t your
typical company town were workers bought from the company store, it would be
interesting to see how much of a worker’s wages went back to companies and landowners that were connected
to the lumber owners. For example, the papers, the banks, the gas company, the
street car, etc… were all owned in part by lumber owners.
Updates to come as more information is discovered.
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